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.After the revolution's victory overcounter revolution the latter will not disappear; on the contrary, it will inevitably start anew and even more desperate struggle.Since the purpose of our resolution is to analysethe tasks that will confront us when the revolution is victorious, it is our duty to devotetremendous attention to the tasks of repelling counter-revolutionary attacks (as is done inthe Congress resolution), and not to submerge these immediate, urgent, and vital politicaltasks of a militant party in general discussions on what will happen after the presentrevolutionary period, or what will happen when a "politically emancipated society"already exists.Just as the Economists would, by repeating the truism that politics aresubordinated to economics, cover up their incapacity to understand urgent political tasks,so the newIskra-ists, by repeating the general truism that struggles will take place in apolitically emancipated society, cover up their failure to understand the urgentrevolutionary tasks of the political emancipation of this society.Take the expression "the final abolition of the whole regime of social estates and themonarchy." In plain language, the final abolition of the monarchist system means theestablishment of a democratic republic.But our good Martynov and his admirers thinkthat this expression is far too simple and clear.They insist on rendering it "moreprofound" and saying it more "cleverly." As a result, we get, on the one hand, ridiculousand vain efforts to appear profound; on the other hand, we get a description instead of aslogan, a sort of melancholy looking backward instead of a stirring appeal to marchforward.We get the impression, not of living people eager to fight for a republic here andnow, but of fossilised mummies who sub specie aeternitatis [Latin: from the viepoint ofeternity] consider the question from the standpoint of plusquamperfectum.Let us proceed further: ".the provisional government.would undertake to carry outthe tasks of this.bourgeois revolution.".Here we see at once the result of the factthat our "Conferencers" have overlooked a concrete question which confronts thepolitical leaders of the proletariat.The concrete question of a provisional revolutionarygovernment was obscured from their field of vision by the question of the future series ofgovernments which will carry out the aims of the bourgeois revolution in general.If youwant to consider the question "historically," the example of any European country willshow you that it was a series of governments, not by any means "provisional," thatcarried out the historical aims of the bourgeois revolution, that even the governmentswhich defeated the revolution were nonetheless forced to carry out the historical aims of that defeated revolution.But what is called a "provisional revolutionary government" issomething altogether different from what you are referring to: that is the name given tothe government of a revolutionary epoch, which directly replaces the overthrowngovernment and rests on the insurrection of the people, and not on some kind ofrepresentative institutions coming from the people.A provisional revolutionarygovernment is the organ of struggle for the immediate victory of the revolution, forimmediately repelling counterrevolutionary attempts, and not by any means an organ forcarrying out the historical aims of the bourgeois revolution in general.Gentlemen, let usleave it to the future historians of a future Russkaya Starina to determine exactly whataims of the bourgeois revolution we, or this or that government, shall haveachieved there will be time enough to do that thirty years from now; at present we mustput forward slogans and give practical directives for the struggle for a republic and forthe proletariat's most active participation in this struggle.For the reasons stated, the final propositions in the forgoing section of the resolutionwhich we have quoted above are also unsatisfactory
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